However, that said, I hope many others might become as intrigued by this language contact problem as I have been. I have always tried to write for the interested non-specialist whenever possible although my students have often begged to differ. I believe, though, that readers who are interested in Japan, or those who are Japanese language teachers or students, or others studying popular culture —Japanese or otherwise — might find much of interest in this book while admitting that some technical portions might not be as appealing as other parts.
Significance of the book WHiile many nations of the world, such as India or some of the countries of western Europe, are certainly more bilingual m English than Japan, none finds such an extensive presence of English within their native language itself. Indeed, there is no non-Anglophone nation where English is so pervasive. Various suggestions have been made to account for this phenomenon: English is chic and prestigious; American popular media have penetrated and permanently altered Japanese culture; the Japanese have a penchant for borrowing foreign things; modern technology and the information age have forced the Japanese to re-evaluate the place of their language in the world.
People also argue that Prologue 9 especially since the Second World W7ar — with the c h a n g i n g roles a n d place of individuals in J a p a n — language, culture, and society have changed forever.
Variation in the grammar of Black South African English in SearchWorks catalog
T h e uses of English in J a p a n e s e are extremely varied a n d often quite subtle; a sophisticated a n d multifaceted way of l o o k i n g at t h i s p h e n o m e n o n is t h u s r e q u i r e d , i n c o r p o r a t i n g methodologies a n d theories from n o t only linguistics a n d anthropology, b u t also semiotics, cognitive science, poetics, a n d visual literacy.
In this book, I h o p e to make a first such attempt. T h e Japanese case also offers great general theoretical interest in a n u m b e r of fields, in particular, worldwide English, language a n d culture contact, a n d semantics a n d cognition. First, 'World Englishes' is now a well-studied subject, b u t J a p a n offers something that is different from other language and culture contact situations. J a p a n was never an A n g l o p h o n e colony with the possible exception of the seven-year postwar American o c c u p a t i o n.
Still, the presence of the English language is extraordinarily voluminous, which is rather unusual for a country where English was never official or imposed. Second, as is well known to all linguists and anthropologists, there are very few truly h o m o g e n e o u s a n d monolingual societies in the world. Most speech communities are quite multilingual, and language contact is a matter of course.
Finally, the presence of English in J a p a n has some i m p o r t a n t insights to offer o n how people construct, a p p r e h e n d , a n d perceive the world. Why is it, for e x a m p l e , that all J a p a n e s e p e o p l e have available to t h e m n o t only their native Japanese n u m b e r or colour terms, but also complete sets of basic English terms?
Do J a p a n e s e a n d English terms label different categories? Are t h e English terms used merely as synonyms? Do they carry different symbolic or connotative messages? Are they used in different communicative strategies? Do people think about the world differently when using them? How do people acquire the meanings of these English words and phrases many of which are constructed right o n the spot? What are the 'right' meanings if many of the sociolinguistic rules allow for extreme individual creativity? Baxter, , or something completely different?
While I admit that I am n o t able to offer the final word on all these ambitious questions, I h o p e that the Japanese data presented in this book give some intriguing first answers. I was listening to him, too, albeit sitting two seats away on the bullet train Green Coach heading for Kyoto. What were these mysterious American imports that seemed to demoralize these veteran Sony bureaucrats so much?
After another five minutes of listening to their conversation, the source of their anxiety was revealed, when I finally realized with a mixture of interest and guilt that they were actually lamenting the large number of English words that were being incorporated into the everyday Japanese language. If words were an item of trade, the Japanese economy would be facing a deep crisis.
While Americans have imported Japanese cars, computers, and electronic goods in huge numbers, only a few Japanese words have entered the vocabulary of most Americans, cultural items like geisha, karate, and sumoo, or such food items as sukiyaki, sashimi, and sushi. The sad truth is that most Americans' knowledge ofJapanese barely goes beyond the brand name of their latest camera, VCR, or stereo. In Japan, on the other hand, the number of words imported from English typically American English is simply astonishing.
These include such everyday items as terebi for 'television', tabako 'tobacco' for cigarettes, as well as myriads of baseball terms e. In addition, however, many other items are uniquely Japanese in their provenance, and might more accurately be regarded as 'made-in-Japan' creations. This domestically-created Japanese 12 Japanese English: Language and cultute contact English vocabulary is notable for a wordstock comprising many items which have no real equivalents in US or British English.
Examples of these include kyanpingu kaa 'camping car' for recreational vehicles, raibu hausu 'live house' for coffee shops or jazz clubs with live music, or afutaa kea 'after care' for product maintenance. Estimates of the number of 'loanwords' in daily use in modern Japanese range from a r o u n d t h r e e to five thousand terms, which represents approximately 5 to 10 percent of ordinary daily vocabulary as shown in Table 2.
However, not all loans are created equal. As Table 2. French loanwords are often associated with high culture, whereas many words of Russian origin came in during the political upheavals of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. As we will see in the next chapter, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish loanwords came into the language before Japan opened its doors to the West in the s. The distribution of loanwords also varies according to context, as Table 2. The left-hand column shows the top twenty loanwords as found in a general newspaper survey, while the right-hand column displays a list of loanwords that are salient in the texts of women's magazines.
O German 0. Table 2. English loanwords are pervasive in Japan, and can be heard in daily conversation, on television and radio programmes, or seen in books and magazines of all kinds.
Specialized technical journals also use substantial numbers of loanwords. English terms usually written in roman letters are almost compulsory on personal articles such as T-shirts, purses, men's gym equipment or other kinds of tote bags, jackets, or sweaters. There is sometimes a transparent connection between the loanword and the labelled object, such as champion or head coach on a sweatshirt or tracksuit, or a university logo on a sweater. At other times, the associations are cloudy. Once I saw a T-shirt with fifty lines of an encyclopedia entry on the state of Georgia copied verbatim, listing its major industries and cash crops.
Not infrequently, a suggestive or blatantly obscene phrase is written on a garment, the force of which presumably is unknown or ignored by the wearer. I once saw a young girl probably no more than thirteen years old wearing a T-shirt that said Baby do you want to do it! She was shopping with her mother, and yet no one around her seemed offended or shocked. Japanese English in daily life Explaining the pervasiveness of English loanwords to the casual observer of Japanese society is no easy task. I found it curious that an English word would be borrowed for something so basic to life in Japan as the main staple food.
The word gohan itself can actually mean meal 'breakfast', 'lunch', or 'dinner'. As an anthropologist with a background in sociolinguistics, I suspected that there were various motivations for this, and several possibilities immediately came to mind. First, I considered the possibility that raisu was only used when dealing with foreigners, but then I noticed from the media that Japanese people would use the word when no foreigners were present, and I could easily find the term written in newspapers and magazines.
My second hypothesis was that raisu was used for 'foreign' dishes such as karee raisu, i. I found that this was often true, but that there were a number of exceptions, and the term raisu was also used The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 15 for many domestic dishes in certain restaurants. My third hypothesis was that the choice of term would vary according to type of restaurant.
Traditional Japanese-style restaurants often referred to as shokudoo would serve gohan, while more modern or Western types of restaurants labelled using an English loanword resutoran would serve raisu. Again, there was a tendency for this to be the case, but this tendency was not uniformly consistent. I finally thought I had solved the problem when I noticed that gohan was served in a traditional Japanese ricebowl chawan while rai5wwas served on a flat plate.
However, a billboard in Toohoku, an area of Japan not noted for a high degree of Western acculturation, refuted this hypothesis. An older man was shown wearing a yukata traditional Japanese informal robe holding a chawan and smilingly saying, lNaisu raisu? Although this was just an advertising technique, it does indicate that people in their homes do sometimes put raisu in a bowl or gohan on a plate.
In the last analysis, it appeared that the tendencies for naming rice that I had observed were simply that; heuristic tendencies rather than any hard and fast rules. My observations of such food-naming practices suggested that many speakers were totally unconcerned about such things, and there were few situations where it was completely wrong to use either term.
Yet at the same time, the subject of loanwords is a volatile one in Japan. Whenever the topic is discussed, there are usually anxieties voiced about the 'pollution' of the language, or the 'loss of traditional values', or from some Westerners 'the copycat mentality of the Japanese', etc.
As my research proceeded, I discovered that the use of English loanwords was a touchstone for a range of social and political anxieties, a number of which I discuss throughout this volume. For example, gooruden uiiku 'Golden Week' means the traditional week-long series of holidays starting with the Shoowa Emperor's birthday on 29 April, including Constitution Day on 3 May, and ending on Children's Day, 5 May. For example, the Japanese English word kanningu 'cunning' generally designates cunning in an examination i.
Sutoraiki 'strike' refers only to a walkout or labour dispute and has none of the other more basic meanings associated the item in British or American English. Metaphors based on English enter Japanese, but the loanwords used to symbolize them are often different from those in other varieties of English. For example, a 'spaghetti western' becomes makaroni uesutan 'macaroni western' , while a dokutaa sutoppu 'doctor stop' is a prohibition on certain 16 Japanese English: Language and culture contact activities under doctor's advice e. Dokutaa sutoppu de kinen-chuu nan da! Paapurin 'purpling' refers to young people making a nuisance of themselves, and is derived from the fashion of teenage motorcycle gangs wearing purple scarves.
The recently de-nationalized Japanese National Railways had a very successful tourist promotion with a Discover Japan slogan. In they started a n o t h e r campaign, Naisu Midii Pasu 'Nice Midi Pass' , geared to encourage middleaged midii career women to take their nice naisu vacations on the National Railways, using special open tickets pasu that allow rail travel anywhere in Japan.
Another example is the use of pinku-firumu or pinku muubii 'pink film' or 'pink movie' for 'blue movie' such metaphors are sometimes ignored, and the term fakku eiga 'fuck film' is also sometimes used. Japanese English words, just like native terms, can carry a variety of meanings. Hotto 'hot' refers to warm beverages, and going to a coffee shop and saying hotto kudasai 'Hot, please' will get you a cup of hot coffee. Also heard, however, are the latest hotto nyuusu 'hot news' or hotto-na wadai 'hot topic'.
And there is also the term hotto-na kappuru 'hot couple' , which is used by the media to refer to celebrity couples from the film and pop music worlds. Some observers have claimed much of the English now polluting the Japanese language has been spread by the advertising industry, and it is true that advertisements across all media use English words extensively. These are found in such product names as Cattle-Boutique leather goods shop , White and White toothpaste , and Mirny Fish cat food , and some loanwords have even morphed into generic names, such as shaa-pen or shaapu-pen or shaapupen shiru for 'mechanical pencil' from 'Eversharp' , or kurakushon 'automobile horn', from 'Klaxon'.
Even local stores may use English names for eye-catching purposes. TO uninitiated observer, this might be understood as 'it is a demo', perhaps a store where new products are demonstrated. But if the name is pronounced with a 'nativized' Japanese pronunciation, it then becomes itsu-demo, the Japanese word for 'always', which is entirely appropriate for the actual function of the shop, a hour convenience store that is always open.
Nevertheless, the claim that advertising is the prime cause of the spread of English throughout Japanese culture and language is patently false. In fact, as I shall show in Chapter 3, there is a long history of linguistic contact and borrowing from Western languages which stretches back at least four hundred years. If anything, the ubiquity of English words in contemporary Japanese advertising is as much a reflection of their increasing use in contemporary Japan as a cause of their popularity.
One very real source for English words and the English language The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 17 generally is the education system. The teaching of English in Japan is both compulsory and extensive, with almost all high schools providing English instruction in a system that employs around 60, English teachers nationwide.
Almost all middle school students begin studying English in the seventh grade, about 70 percent of high school students continue studying English, as do percent of university students English is a required subject for all college and university students. Students who plan on entering a university are required to take an examination in English, and many students spend much of their preparation time studying English in jukus private cramming schools. Although English is taught as a foreign language throughout the school system, English in the form of 'loanwords', or in the form of English neologisms 'created in Japan', receives no official sanction in Japan.
The Ministry of Education has regularly expressed dismay concerning the vast amount of borrowing from English that occurs in Japanese. Ironically, while members of the Japanese government express official anxiety about the issue, actual language use within the Japanese civil service suggests Japanese English words are as widely used as in the private sector. Japanese English as a linguistic resource English 'loanwords' and other English words in Japanese do not simply add foreign spice to an otherwise jaded indigenous linguistic palate. These may be as mundane as trying to impress a member of the opposite sex, or as subtle as rephrasing a potentially embarrassing question.
For example, many Japanese English words carry connotations of the speaker or topic being modern, Western, chic, or sophisticated, which may indeed contribute to the popularity of English words in advertisements and in the broadcast media. Radio and television programmes use them continually, and a very high proportion of contemporary pop songs use English loanwords in the text or title: for example, Rabu izu oobaa 'Love is over' , Esukareeshon 'Escalation' , Koi wa samaa fiiringu 'Love is a summer feeling' , and Tengoku no kissu 'Heaven's kiss'.
In Tanaka Yasuo's best-selling first novel Nantonaku Kurisutaru 'Somehow Crystal' contained what was perceived as a 'hip' glossary of over forty pages of notes, mostly explaining the English words used in the text. For example, many commentators have suggested that the English loanword possessive pronoun mai 'my' apparently is indicative of the challenge of individualism to the collective group. Examples include maihoomu 'my home' , mai-peesu 'my pace' , mai-puraibashii 'my privacy' , and mai-kaa-zoku the 'my car' tribe, or those who own their own cars.
In the media this prefix is found on a vast array of products and advertisements: my juice, my pack, my summer, my girl calendar. One explanation is that it is difficult to express the individualism of the contemporary world in contrast to the collectivist notions of moral probity associated with traditional Japanese society in 'pure'Japanese without sounding offensive. It has been claimed that native terms for 'my' e. Similarly, it has been commented that when it comes to matters of the heart and romance, one is able to use English with a greater ease than the native Japanese terms.
For example, the modern Japanese habit of taking a girl to a movie, or to dinner, or to a coffee shop is described as deeto sum, doing 'a date'. For some perhaps, English words appear less threatening than their Japanese equivalents, e. Numerous informants have told me that the English word is less loaded than the native Japanese term, although Wilkerson tellingly argues that this is not always the case. English loanwords may also serve to excite or titillate, rather than defusing a loaded term. This seems to be especially true in the genre of men's comics, where various activities are routinely described using a brutally explicit variety of English sexual slang.
The availability of English loanwords may also provide speakers with a means of circumventing other linguistic and cultural constraints. For example, the loans hazu 'husband' and waifu 'wife' may convey a lighter symbolic load than the native Japanese terms shujin 'husband', 'master' or kanai 'wife' literally, meaning 'the one inside the house'. Members of the Japanese National Debating Team told me a few years ago that debates were almost impossible to conduct in Japanese, especially for women.
To their knowledge, all these societies in Japan conduct their contests in English. Finally, another reason for the use of English words in Japanese is that individuals apparently feel free to use them in creative and highly personal ways. For example, one Japanese linguist Shibata, describes how a movie scriptwriter invented new loanwords thus: In the script I found the expression 'flower street.
The reply was: 'I just made it up myself. I no longer recall the exact meaning, but there can be no mistake thatjapanized 'English,' such as happy end ox flower street, was introduced into the Japanese lexicon by people. Shibata, In my own research on Japanese colour terminology which I discuss in Chapter 9 , I often found informants 'creating' their own colour names using English loanwords such as peeru paapuru 'pale purple', or howaito buruu 'white blue'.
Tanaka, the author of the novel mentioned earlier, also explains that he invented the term kurisutaru 'crystal' to describe the attitudes of today's Japanese youth. According to Tanaka, 'crystal lets you see things through a cloudy reflection', and today's crystal generation judge people shallowly, by external appearances, and by 'what they wear and acquire' Tanaka, The issue of the intrusion of English words into the Japanese language is a sensitive topic in contemporary Japan, and discussions of the issue in academic writings and the print media often invoke appeals to notions of cultural superiority and inferiority, national and self-identity, and a range of other social and political issues as we will see in Chapter Not only Japanese commentators, but also American and other foreign observers have condemned the use of loanwords.
At the same time, among linguists and other academics, there seem to be at least three broad approaches to the analysis of English vocabulary in Japanese: first, the 'loanword' approach; second, the 'English-inspired vocabulary item' approach; and, third, the 'made-in-Japan English' wa-sei eigo approach. The loanword approach asserts that it is impossible to detach the 'Englishness' of borrowed terms from their source, and therefore the label of 'loanword' is an appropriate one. In this view, such items are essentially 'foreign', which is a major source of their attraction in the first instance.
Proponents of this view would tend to deny that these items are ever fully nativized. Although some might argue that many English words are fully integrated into the Japanese cultural and linguistic systems, the advocates of the loanword approach deny this. Their contention is the importation of Western concepts and words carries with it a cultural payload. For example, the use of the English loans hazu 'husband' and waifu 'wife' mentioned above carry with them a range of connotations, e. In this view words are not simply the building blocks of communication, but are the transmitters of culture, in this case, a foreign culture.
In other words, English loanwords are English and are loanwords. The English-inspired vocabulary item approach argues that, in many instances of contemporary linguistic contact, English loanwords are not really loanwords at all, as there is no actual borrowing that occurs. The limitations of this metaphor are illustrated by the loanword test given at the end of this chapter. Unless the reader is familiar with the Japanese language and Japanese culture, she will probably flunk the test see pp. As the answer key to the quiz explains, most of these so-called 'English' terms are simply not transparent to non-Japanese speakers of English; they are terms made in Japan for Japanese consumption.
Perhaps a more accurate way of referring to such items would be to label these 'English-inspired vocabulary items'. A word in English may act as a motivation for the formation of some phonological symbol, and or conceptual unit, in Japanese; but no established English lexeme is ever really transferred from the donor language English to the recipient language Japanese. Instead, new words are created within the Japanese language system by using English.
Often there may be a conceptual and linguistic overlap between the new term and the original English word, but many such instances often involve radical semantic modifications. In this view then, English words are essentially Japanese items, and their use in Japanese may be very different from their use in other varieties of English. The third perspective, the 'made-in-Japan English' or wa-sei eigo approach, is actually a stronger version of the second approach. In this view, one that I tend to subscribe to myself, the argument is that most of the English words found in Japanese today are 'home-grown', and are items of Japanesemade English or wa-sei eigo, as the translated term reads in the Japanese original Miller, ; Ishitoya, ; Abe, ; Yamada, One argument against this view is that many of the English words that are used in Japan, in newspapers, television, academic writing, etc.
One difficulty in responding to this argument directly is that no accurate figures are available to distinguish 'normal' English loanwords from wa-sei eigo loanwords, for a number of reasons, not least because of the difficulty in distinguishing 'type' from 'token' in this context where type refers to distinct words, and token to related items. For example, the September 11 attacks on the World Trade Center added teroru 'terrorism' to the language alongside the previously extant tero.
These terms are not exactly equivalent, as tero is a noun and teroru can be a verb, and seems to permit a wider range of usage than tero. For example, tero-teroru! Thus, the range of meanings associated with teroru are very different than those associated with the original English source or even the earlier loan tero, the usage of which is arguably somewhat closer to the English 'terror'.
The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 21 In addition, it is significant that once English words are b r o u g h t into the l a n g u a g e , w h e t h e r by scientists i m p o r t i n g the latest j a r g o n , o r t e e n a g e r s inventing new skateboard slang, such words often assume a life of their own, a n d their m e a n i n g s can c h a n g e in u n p r e d i c t a b l e ways.
To cite o n e recent example of this, o n e might consider some of the various terms for 'computer', 'email', and ' P C currently used in J a p a n. However, while Americans or Canadians may have ' c o m p u t e r s ' on their desks at h o m e , a Japanese likely would not. As o n e informant said, 'To me, konpyuutaa represents the whole system. It is something big. It is like a c o m p u t e r network or infrastructure.
O n e of t h e reasons for this is that until relatively recently, waa puro, or d e d i c a t e d Japanese-language word processors, were m o r e commonly-used than desktop c o m p u t e r s for writing d o c u m e n t s. In t h e case of 'e-mail', t h e r e are a n u m b e r of English a n d J a p a n e s e equivalents available to J a p a n e s e language-users, including these five: 1. In emails themselves, a c o m m o n o p e n i n g line is meeru moratta T got your mail' or meeru arigatoo 'Thanks for your mail' , a n d the hybrid is rarely if ever used in this context denshi-meeru moratta for T got your mail' reads very oddly.
N u m b e r 4 illustrates the various ways of writing the word 'e-mail' o n business cards, where an English expression is typically used. Finally, o n e s h o u l d n o t e t h a t the last form, with 'e-mail' written completely in the katakana script, does not, to my knowledge, occur at all. T h e r e are m a n y o t h e r instances w h e r e the m e a n i n g s of English terms 22 Japanese English: Language and culture contact b e c o m e restricted, e x p a n d e d , or modified in some way. T h e question that is raised is, then, what is a 'real' loanword, a n d what is 'made-in-Japan' English?
At p r e s e n t , t h e creation a n d influx of English words shows n o signs of d i m i n i s h i n g , a n d a r e c e n t study suggested that t h e p r o p o r t i o n of English loanwords in Japanese-language newspapers had increased by 33 p e r c e n t over a fifteen-year period Minami, Shinoo, and Asahi Shimbun Gakugeibu, Few societies in today's world a p p e a r to borrow so extensively, a n d with such variety a n d enthusiasm.
First, there is a tradition of linguistic borrowing at b o t h the spoken a n d written level that can be traced back to contact with the Chinese language at least sixteen h u n d r e d years ago, when written Chinese provided the basis of the J a p a n e s e writing system. Second, the m i n i m u m of six years of English e d u c a t i o n that almost every Japanese child receives contributes to a c o m m o n pool of symbolic a n d linguistic knowledge that provides an extra resource for many different communicative activities, from casual conversation to intellectual discussions.
I d o my best to explore these issues t h r o u g h o u t this volume. In t h e following sections of this c h a p t e r , however, I shall e l a b o r a t e o n t h e notion that Japanese English as defined and explained above, i. Japanese English and the 'beautiful human life' In every J a p a n e s e city, an American or British visitor is immediately struck by the ubiquity of English signage in a society where a functional grasp of English at least for everyday communicative purposes seems fragmented at best. O n a n o t h e r occasion in Hokkaido, I saw two teenagers a p p r o a c h the Coin Snack vending-machine, a n d look over The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 23 Figure 2.
They were standing in a machine emblazoned with a p h o t o g r a p h of an A m e r i c a n motorcycle cop a n d a US a i r m a n , b o t h staring into the sunset h o l d i n g their cans Georgia Kafe Ore 'Georgia coffee o l e '. I present these anecdotes h e r e to illustrate the often u n e x p e c t e d ways in which English occurs in Japanese society.
However, as I have mentioned earlier, the use of English is n o t restricted to signage and p o p culture, but is imbricated in the fabric of J a p a n e s e life in a myriad of ways, from the media to academic life, from advertising to p e r s o n a l conversation. In the n e x t section of this c h a p t e r I e x t e n d t h e discussion of J a p a n English today by c o n s i d e r i n g a 24 Japanese English: Language and culture contact n u m b e r of the symbolic functions of English, a n d examining how certain terms have b e c o m e established public symbols while others are reserved for private purposes, noting the interrelationships between the individual's uses of English a n d institutionalized displays of the language.
Finally, I provide a brief guide to the c u r r e n t language debates on English in J a p a n and J a p a n e s e English , which find regular expression in the discourse of academics, educationalists, a n d the media. The symbols and exhibitions of Japanese English in public and private space O n e of t h e i m p o r t a n t contributions that anthropologists have m a d e to t h e study of symbolism has b e e n in t h e analysis of t h e r e l a t i o n s b e t w e e n t h e collective a n d the individual c o m p o n e n t s of symbols.
Firth calls these the 'public' and 'private' aspects of symbolism, terms that refer to the creation of symbols, their p r e s e n c e in the minds of particular individuals, a n d their collective use 'in t h e c u l t u r e '. Symbols also have manifestations, e i t h e r in personal displays or institutional exhibitions.
Symbols that have g r o u p effects, a n d those that have social a p p e a l a n d consciousness, or r e p r e s e n t the values a n d aspects of the collectivity, can be termed 'public symbols', whereas the term 'private symbols' refer to those whose use a n d effect may be m o r e typically observed in t h e individual a n d personal lives of people and may n o t be shared by everyone in a culture.
Leach claims that public symbols are associated with acts of c o m m u n i c a t i o n , while private symbols are associated with expression. O n e obvious a n d emblematic example of the public symbolism of what I a m calling J a p a n e s e English h e r e is seen in the commercial messages CMs or 'advertising slogans' for that most American of products, Coca-Cola. In a recent nationwide campaign, the lead slogan for the campaign has b e e n Saivayaka, teisuti, I feel Coke! In o r d e r to p r o m o t e their product in this campaign, Coca-Cola in J a p a n devised video campaigns aimed at three distinct groups: young people, older a g e - g r o u p s , a n d h o u s e w i v e s.
Smiles are in a b u n d a n c e as the catchy lyrics of the jingle ring out: The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 25 Figure 2. I feel Coke! Sawayaka, teisuti, I feel Coke! Always the town feels 'I feel Coke'! Keeping this Coke feeling just like now! Refreshing, tasty, I feel Coke! T h e imeeji images h e r e are aimed at young people, depicting all the fun to be had when drinking Coke, and how cool you can look. T h e song also appears aimed at the so-called shinjinrui the 'new generation' , with its visual messages of individualism 'doing your own thing', and 'doing it now'.
Linguistically, the jingle is interesting because of the e m b e d d e d code-switching from J a p a n e s e to English t h r o u g h o u t a n d the use of the J a p a n e s e English teisuti for tasty. T h e second commercial is designed to appeal to older folks, a n d perhaps for those yet to develop a taste for the most successful aerated-dyed-water drink of all time.
This time the j i n g l e goes: Itsuka kimi ni I feel Coke! H e r e we see e v e r y d a y housewives in their a p r o n s doing the laundry, w o m e n talking on pay p h o n e s , a n d mothers with babies meeting each other on the street. This time the words of the song ring out: Itsuka aeba Ifeel Coke!
Prof Andrew MOODY
T h e final shot is a Coke m a c h i n e in front of a Japanese-style h o m e at dusk, with everyone getting ready for dinner. In all t h r e e films, certain J a p a n e s e English words a n d phrases, namely, teisuti tasty , a n d I feel Coke! Such phrases may communicate different messages to different s p e a k e r s a n d age g r o u p s , b u t they nevertheless invoke a s h a r e d frame of reference general e n o u g h across such groups.
In this context, t h e n , t h e r e is direct evidence to s u p p o r t the claim that such J a p a n e s e English words a n d phrases serve as very effective public symbols in the worlds of advertising a n d c o n s u m e r culture. T h e use of items of J a p a n e s e English to express private symbols may be f o u n d in colour-naming practices in J a p a n. This additional J a p a n e s e English colour vocabulary creates the space for creativity a n d innovation when speaking or writing of colours. For example, in my earlier research o n this topic, I asked a female informant to n a m e the hues of a n u m b e r of ambiguously coloured objects.
In the face of uncertainty, e. W h e n English basic terms did n o t exactly suffice which was often , she refined h e r answer by creating English-based c o m p o u n d a n d secondary colour terms, using words like roozu paapuru 'rose p u r p l e ' , hotto buruu 'hot blue' , and howaitoguree 'white grey' in o u r interviews.
This i n f o r m a n t was n o t untypical as many others responded in similar ways during my interviews. Their accounts suggest that J a p a n e s e people often use English loanwords to create new vocabulary items in their everyday s p e e c h , or to simply play with t h e language, a finding supported by other researchers in this field Sibata, This example suggests that such new linguistic forms, expressed in a form of Japanese English, can thus serve as dynamic a n d effective private symbols and, whatever their private provenance, are also readily u n d e r s t a n d a b l e by o t h e r m e m b e r s of c o n t e m p o r a r y J a p a n e s e society.
The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 27 In addition to the level of private a n d public symbols just discussed, t h e r e is a n o t h e r r e l a t e d d i m e n s i o n of J a p a n e s e English use to c o n s i d e r in this context. Having j u s t discussed how symbols originate or are created, we can n o w p r o c e e d to e x a m i n e h o w a n d w h e r e such symbols a r e displayed o r 'exhibited'.
H e r e , I discuss two examples of such activity: i the personal displays of the a m a t e u r musicians in a Tokyo park; and ii the institutionalized exhibitions of song lyrics p e n n e d by a major female p o p singer. I have elsewhere discussed t h e p e r s o n a l displays of t h e a m a t e u r rock musicians who g a t h e r in Tokyo's Yoyogi Park o n Sundays Stanlaw, a.
Most of these p e r f o r m e r s use English names, a n d their PR signs, costumes, posters, and so on, are also filled with Japanese English phrases. Their performance schedule was titled 'Tomcat Live'. Even solo a m a t e u r musicians like 'St. A n o t h e r g r o u p in Yoyogi Park were n a m e d was Tokyo Rocan Roller, written in r o m a n letters which can be r e a d as 'Tokyo rock a n d rollers' see Figure 2. T h u s the n a m e spells o u t the fact that they are Tokyo rock a n d rollers, b u t also makes the claim that they are a delight to the senses. Of course, in this setting, the distinction between the personal a n d t h e public is blurred, b u t it is worth n o t i n g that they were n o t professional musicians, b u t a g r o u p of teenagers in a garage b a n d.
Example of institutionalized displays can be seen in many of the song lyrics of c o n t e m p o r a r y J a p a n e s e p o p music Stanlaw, ; ; 2 0 0 0 a. F o r example, the famous female singer Matsutooya Yumi see also Chapter 5 uses several English images a n d m e t a p h o r s in h e r song Dandiraion ' D a n d e l i o n '.
In o n e of the choruses, she sings: Kimi wa dandiraion Kizutsuita hibi wa kare ni de-au tame no soo yo unmei ga yooi shite kureta taisetsu-na ressun Ima suteki-na redii ni nam You are a dandelion. Those days, when your heart was hurt 28 Japanese English: Language and culture contact Figure 2. You have now become a wonderful woman.
This song in the original is laced with the lyricism that has made Yuming famous in Japan. She sings that her love floats like dandelion seeds over the water, and will endure to bloom again. The dandelion images in her song seem to be written to express the fragility of romantic love, and the possibility of its survival and growth. For Westerners the dandelion image may appear mundane or trivial, but informants tell me that if Yuming had used the standard Japanese word tampopo for dandelion, the song would have sound like a folksong, sung by a country girl in love to a country lad.
Instead, the English loanword dandiraion lets any Japanese office lady relate to the song. In an interview with me, Yuming told me that she used the title Dandiraion because she liked the impression that she felt the word gave of an English hillside, and that she wanted to throw in 'a little fragrance of Western culture'.
In both cases, we see that personal displays and institutionalized exhibitions are often made by using English loanwords. The signs and songs of the amateur rock musicians had an ad hoc and individual feeling, and were probably intended only for temporary use and immediate consumption. Yuming's hit song, however, is more permanent and lasting, and has become The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 29 part of the e n d u r i n g history of recorded music.
English words and images are readily i n c o r p o r a t e d in both kinds of manifestations. For e x a m p l e , Yuming uses private symbols and institutionalizes them permanently on record. T h e Coke advertisers coined the slogan 'Ifeel Coke! Theirs is n o private response to personal sensations, b u t r a t h e r a cleverly-engineered m a r k e t i n g p i t c h.
T h e a m a t e u r rock a n d rollers in Yoyogi Park created their English signs a n d phrases privately themselves, b u t these were i n t e n d e d to be read a n d interpreted by the public. However, despite t h e i r wild clothes a n d extrovert p e r f o r m a n c e , these are largely personal displays not directly intended to become institutionalized.
Hers then were the most personal and idiosyncratic of all the examples given, b u t nevertheless exemplify an increasingly c o m m o n aspect of J a p a n e s e communicative practices. The intelligibility of Japanese English In J a p a n today t h e r e are many p e o p l e who express confusion at the use of English in the m o d e r n Japanese language. Some older people lament: Ichi-do kiita dake de, doo iu imi ka wakarimasu ka?
Some newer items are n o d o u b t confusing to the older generation, but in many societies in the world, slang and other forms of linguistic innovation is associated with the speech habits of the young. Mashui Masami, a musical booking agent, was interviewed by a magazine called LIB a few years ago, a n d I translate his answer to o n e question below. T h e translation shows j u s t how frequent the o c c u r r e n c e of loanwords in his speech is: New Yorkers' Nyuu Yookaa select night clubs not only on the basis of 'space' supeesu but they also care for the 'epoch maker' eppokku meekaa that is created by the 'policy' porishii and the 'concept' konseputo.
This is especially true as the 'night scene' naito-shiin is multi-coloured. In the very 'trendy clubs' torendii na kurabu are the major shows, that is, the 'sound' saundo called 'house music' hausu-myuujikku. The kind of clubs are the 'regular club' regyuraa-kurabu which 'open' oopun around or pm, and they 'close' kuroozu at am; or the 'supper clubs' sapaa-kurabu ; or the 'after hours' afutaa-awaazu club which are 'open' oopun from midnight until lunch time of the following day; or the 'one night clubs' wan naitokurabu which open for only one day, [usually] on the same day of the week.
And they have many 'event nights' ibento-naito such as 'Korean Night' korian-naito and 'Placido Domingo Night' domingo-naito. When I went back this time, I was told by the 'producer' purodyuusaa who owns the 'Dead Zone' deddo-zoon that he is going to play a 'Pearl Harbor Night' paaru haabaa-naito. For this event he is calling in a Japanese 'DJ' disuku-jyokkii , a Japanese 'staff sutaffu , and a Japanese 'dancer' dansaa.
Inoue, This particular variety of hip Japanese English is simply n o t accessible to most J a p a n e s e , a n d , w h e n asked for his response, a J a p a n e s e colleague fluent in English c o m m e n t e d : T have absolutely n o idea at all what this person is talking a b o u t! T h e q u e s t i o n of intelligibility also arises in sports b r o a d c a s t i n g , for instance, which in standard Japanese calls for a vivid play-by-play commentary, m a r k e d by such phrases Utta!
Inagaki, ; Maitland, English phrases are often used in similar situations, in similar ways, e. English words can also be used as adjectives a n d adverbs: pawafuru-na battingu 'powerful batting' , iijiifurai an 'easy fly' to c a t c h , sutiiru shita 'stolen base', literally m e a n i n g 'did a steal. The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 31 Significantly, however, h e argues that English loanwords play a similar role in J a p a n e s e , with J a p a n e s e English phrases accounting for some All of which suggests that many of such phrases must be well-known a m o n g the general public.
T h e issue of intelligibility is also of crucial interest to t h e advertising industry. Examples of Japanese English e m b e d d e d in advertising slogans a n d copy include the following taken from Sugano : kaasonaritii [Nissan] 'carsonality' versus 'personality' Rosu e wa yoru tobuto rosu ga nai [Pan American Airlines] 'When you fly at night to Los Angeles [Rosu in Japanese] there is no loss' kuuru minto Guamu [Japan Airlines] 'cool-mint Guam' advertisement for flights to Guam Uesuto saizu sutoorii [Keioo Department Stores] 'West Size Story' W o r d play a n d p u n s obviously play an i m p o r t a n t role in these e x a m p l e s , although the p u n n i n g can also extend to the Japanese elements in copy, such as Guam Guam Everybody 'Gan Gan Everybody!
T h e popularity of Japanese English phrases and the use of English as an a d d e d linguistic resource in advertising has led to accusations that the industry is a main instigator of linguistic 'pollution' in society, although, as I have indicated earlier, the empirical basis of such charges is shaky at best. As for the issue of intelligibility, evidence suggests that many of these J a p a n e s e English phrases a n d words enjoy a high level of comprehensibility in the general community.
O n e of t h e c o n c l u s i o n s t h a t H a a r m a n r e a c h e d in his r e s e a r c h o n J a p a n e s e television commercials was that '[a]lthough a majority of viewers can recognize 32 Japanese English: Language and culture contact catch phrases in English from TV commercials, their meaning is completely clear only to a minority.
According to Haarman, fewer than 50 percent of the respondents gave the 'right' explanation of such slogans. However, an approach like Haarman's assumes that there is an unequivocal 'right' explanation of these slogans. This may not be the case. How many Americans, for example, are able to give the correct explanation of such popular US slogans as 'It's the heartbeat of America? The point surely is that there is no one single 'real' meaning of such Japanese English phrases waiting to be discovered, accessible only to those Japanese with an attested high level of proficiency in the English language.
As we saw in some examples in the case of the woman creating her own Englishbased colour terms, in the realm of the personal, meaning is sometimes constructed and negotiated by speakers in a particular context, for particular and private purposes. Some people in Japan would be loath to accept such an argument. Many English language teachers in Japan, both Japanese and foreign, appear to detest the occurrence of Japanese English, in all its various forms.
In one interview, an American teacher commented, '[f]or one thing, it makes our job so much more difficult, they come into our class thinking they already know so much English, when in fact they actually have to unlearn a lot'. This again reminds us that much of the 'English' in Japan is of the home-grown variety, and the meanings of many 'loanwords' are typically modified in the Japanese context to express rather different meanings than their equivalents in other varieties of English.
Sometimes these meanings differ in small and subtle ways, while at other times they differ more radically. The issue of 'loanwords' and Japanese English In the earlier sections of this chapter, I discuss a number of points related to the issue of lexical borrowing and 'loanwords'. One general point here is that in all languages there is cline of 'loanwordness' with respect to borrowed items.
For example, most Americans would know regard the word 'restaurant' as an item of American English, but might be variably uncertain how to treat such words as 'lingerie', 'rendezvous', or 'menage a trois'. As mentioned earlier, the problem of defining what is a 'loanword' in Japanese is not a simple task. Many of these terms are not imported at all, but made in Japan wa-sei eigo.
If we go beyond m e r e individual lexical items a n d look at whole phrases or sentences which are borrowed, such as ai rabuyuu T love y o u ' , a n u m b e r of other points may be made. First, many of these phrases are created in J a p a n , and, second, many English items are often incorporated into ' r e a l ' J a p a n e s e collocations, as in t h e ' Saivayaka, teisuti, I feel Coke e x a m p l e already given. Third, we also n e e d to acknowledge that most British and US 'native' English speakers would have difficulty in e x p l a i n i n g what many of these 'English' phrases e.
New Life Scene Creator, a slogan for Lebel Shampoo are s u p p o s e d to mean, as would speakers of o t h e r varieties of English. O n e major p r o b l e m with this, however, is that t h e r e is a good deal of variation in the orthography used to represent English words. Which raises the question of w h e t h e r b o t h forms should be regarded as loanwords, or not. A second p o i n t is that, in certain contexts, r o m a n letters are apparently used for visual p u r p o s e s only, as in t h e case of clothes a n d many o t h e r p e r s o n a l belongings where some kind of English word or phrase is almost compulsory.
At the same time, it is n o t u n c o m m o n for J a p a n e s e words or n a m e s to b e written in rooma-ji to create an artistic or visual effect. In brief, J a p a n e s e language-users today a p p e a r to be e x p e r i m e n t i n g with the orthographic a n d visual aspects of their language and writing systems in a way r e m i n i s c e n t of their i m p o r t a t i o n of Chinese in the fifth century AD. In the contemporary context, although many Japanese English words are 'taken' from English in some instances, in o t h e r cases they may never have b e e n 'in the language' to start with, at least not in the form that they appear in Japanese.
WTien it comes to deciding what an English 'loanword' in contemporary J a p a n is, I would argue that discussion of this issue has been blurred by the adoption of a false m e t a p h o r , that is the notion of 'borrowing', which in this context is b o t h misleading a n d problematic. This perspective typically involves looking at linguistic contact from the vantage point of the donor language, and in Japan finds expression in what I have called the 'English loanwords' approach.
An alternative way discussing language contact in Japan is to eschew the term 'loanword', and to attempt to analyse and interpret such patterns of linguistic contact from the Japanese perspective. Instead of focusing solely on the convergence or divergence of patterns of Japanese English from the norms of notional British and American standards, we might rather highlight the motivations and purposes supporting the creation of English words and phrases within Japanese society.
This approach, I believe, has the potential to offer many insights. By this I am not only referring to the study of wasei-eigo 'Japanese-made English' , but also to the whole range of discourses that attend the acceptance, construction, creation, and even resistance and rejection to the language in its Japanese contexts; so that we may move towards a consideration of Japanese English' in a much wider sense. Within the linguistics literature, linguists typically classified lexical borrowings in terms of four processes: 'loanwords', 'loan blends', 'loan shifts', and 'loan translations' or 'caiques' see Haugen, ; Lehiste, The differences between these categories depend on how a linguistic unit's form in terms of the phonological and morphological structure of the word and its meaning originate in the donor language and are manifested in a recipient language.
In this framework, a 'loanword' is a term where both the form and the meaning are borrowed, as in such items as geisha, blitzkrieg, or perestroika. A 'loan blend' is an item where the meaning is borrowed but part of the form retains a characteristic from the donor language. An example of this might be 'beatnik', which combines the English 'beat' with a Slavic diminutive suffix nik. A 'loan shift' is where a new borrowed meaning is imposed on a form native to the recipient language, as in the adoption of the native English word 'go' to refer to the Japanese board game carrying an orthographically similar name in Japanese go or igo.
A 'loan translation', finally, is a morpheme-formorpheme translation from the donor language into the borrowing language, as in the English word 'superman', derived from Nietzsche's ubermensch. The four types of borrowing discussed here represent specific types of lexical transfer. This concept may be encoded totally in the linguistic form of the host language 'loan shift' and 'loan translation' , totally encoded in the form of the donor language 'loanword' , or a mixture of both 'loan blend'.
The dynamics of English words in contemporary Japanese 35 The argument that all such lexical transfers should be regarded as the incorporation of 'foreign elements' in the Japanese language rests heavily on the borrowing metaphor. In this view, words or phrases, i. Not surprisingly what is required is culturally appropriate training. Whether there can be genuine partnership in an 'aid' relationship when there is an imbalance between the parties in economic terms is debatable, but the potential for constructive, bi- directional collaboration between academics is substantial.
This can only occur when professionalism is locally determined and collaborative, rather than assumed to exist in what mcisquerades as being universal or globally relevant, but which in fact represents special interests. Hlich prophetically warned against this decades ago: Professional imperialism triumphs even where political and economic domination has been broken The knowledge-capitalism of professional imperialism subjugates people more imperceptibly than and as effectively as international finance and weaponry Politics for convivial reconstruction of society must especially face imperialism on this third level, where it takes the form of professionalism.
The professionalism he warns against permeates much ELT. The native speaker ideal is implemented in teaching materials that serve to flesh out native speaker norms in texts that project a culture-specific worldview. It shows that in the case of South Korea, the textbooks are based on stereotyping: 'embellishment' and 'glamorisation' project western Ufe-styles as 'objects of admiration and envy', all of which serves to 'dissimulate the cultural dominance of foreign nations, especially the United States and Britain', and to belittle other cultures. The conclusion is that In an age where foreign language learning hais become a survival skill, it becomes virtually everybody's business to review the cultural message of language textbooks with a more critical eye' ibid.
It scrutinises cultural bias, cultural and linguistic hierarchisation in 3 generations of English teaching textbooks in Singapore, and shows the inappropriacy of relying on native speaker models when Singaporean identity is to be strengthened. Through meticulous critical discourse analysis he shows that the language pedagogy of the textbooks has its origins in a western vision of the world eind is inedeemably eurocentric, hence incompatible with the contemporary social realities of Singapore and the wider world.
His study confirms the analysis in a recent survey cirticle of English in Singapore by Makhan Tickoo: the language in education policy ensures that the language of school and government displaces the language of home and neighbourhood Tickoo , official policy resulting in what he concludes is 'a debilitating dependence on native speaker models, a product of not just what PhilUpson sees as the five fallacies in ELT, but of what Skutnabb-Kangas calls 'colonised consciousness' ibid.
He adds that this may have seriously harmful consequences for national identity, with excessive dependence on exonormative English possibly leading to constraints on the development of innovation and creativity ibid. James Oladejo's study at Curtin University of Technology, reported on at the First English in Southeast Asia conference, analysed student attitudes to native and non- native teachers, and clearly demonstrated that naive unfounded assumptions about the superiority of the native speaker teacher had strong roots in the colonial past and current political and commercial relationships, and were ultimately grounded in the 'continued global technological, economic, and political dominance of English and its native speakers', which he regards as the contemporary form of 'linguistic imperialism propef Oladejo This is from a fascinating book, 'Non- native educators in English Language Teaching', which explores the diversity and complexity of the experience of those cleissified as non-native speakers globally Braine There is thus plenty of empirical evidence that the British and American variants of TESOL have taken over where colonial education left off, and are significant agents in the continuing maintenance of the dominance of English.
Imperialism, linguistic, educational, or scientific — and these often interlock, not least in applied linguistics and ELT — involves an asymmetrical relationship, within a hierarchical structure which serves the interests of one party better than the others, meaning, at a more general level, an exploitative structure. The English 'haves' construct English as a global need. This is central to the mythology of global English. Appropriating English locally It would be presumptuous and misguided for me to now come up with a quick solution to a range of local English problems, but it is possible to identify a number of pointers and writers that can be helpful.
The first need is to situate English in the wider linguistic ecology, globally and locally, and to see in what ways the logic of globalisation can be challenged, which of course it is being, continuously, by masses of NGO movements, by internet users of languages other than English, by critical scholars world-wide. Language policy, including the promotion of English, must be inspired by an equitable vision of how all languages can be permitted to flourish Skutnabb-Kangas a.
If English is to be a force for democracy and human rights, much needs to change, in North countries as much as in the South, and in North- South relations. Language policy could and should play an important role in such a transition. The language policy of post-apartheid South Africa is an ambitious attempt to valorise all local language, hence the recognition of 11 official languages in the Constitution, as well as a commitment to support the maintenance of many others.
Implementing such a policy is, of course, hugely demanding, granted the legacy of apartheid, and not least the 'blatant hegemony' of English, which the policy seeks to combat. Thiru Kandiah sees countries in the postcolonial world as trapped in a major contradiction. On the other, there is the fact that the medium is not culturally or ideologically neutral, far from it, so that its users run the 'apparently unavoidable risk of co-option, of acquiescing in the negation of their own understcuidings of reality and in the accompeuiying denial or even subversion of their own interests' forthcoming: These two elements form a dialectic, the one inevitably entailing the other.
What is therefore needed in relation to English is 'interrogating its formulations of reality, intervening in its modes of understcuiding, holding off its normalising tendencies, challenging its hegemonic designs and divesting it of the co-optive power which would render it a reproducing discourse' ibid. Kandiah advocates authentic local projections of reality, and emancipatory action. Suresh Canagarajah is also from Sri Lanka. His book on resisting linguistic imperialism is a path-breaking documentation of how English learning can function productively in ways that meet local needs.
He anchors a detailed empirical study in a highly articulate theoretical perspective. The rich bottom-up language policy description and analysis shows how the classroom can serve genuinely emancipatory purposes. Jennifer Jenkins' book on the phonology of English cis eui international language , the title echoing Alcistair Pennycook's book on the cultural politics of English as an international Icuiguage, explores the notion of a common core that is present in many forms of spoken English, whether as an LI or L2.
Her purpose is to elaborate more realistic pedagogic goals for L2 learners of English than the rarefied version of a prestige variant of LI English pronunciation. It is extremely significant that someone working with a key constituent of a language, namely its phonology, relates this explicitly to ideological debates about the role of English, and makes an explicit effort to theorise the appropriation of various types of endo- normative Englishes that represent a counterweight to hegemonic Anglo-American dominated English as uncritically endorsed, for instance by David Crystal, , with his plea for a Global Steuidard Spoken English.
Her book lays some of the foundations for a pedagogy of appropriation. Appropriating English while maintaining their vernaculars makes periphery subjects linguistically competent for the culturally hybrid modem world they confront. The simplest gestures of code-switching and linguistic appropriation in the pedagogical safe houses suggest the strategic ways by which discourses may be negotiated, intimating the resilient ability of human subjects to creatively fashion a voice for themselves from amidst the deafening channels of domination.
Canagaiajah This is a far cry from the universe of development aid. The admirable collection of papers 'Language and development. Teachers in a changing world' Kenny and Savage contains a fund of reflective analysis of the factors contributing to the triumphs and, more frequently, the failures of development aid projects. But what to me is most revealing is that the title of the book itself seems to assume that English is a panacea. This invisibilisation of the rest of the relevant languages is a re-nm of much colonial and post-colonial language-in-education poUcy, which, as is well known, has served European languages well and other languages much less well.
It reflects investment being put into English, an infrcistructure and ideology that discursively construct English as the handmaiden of globalisation, the universal medium. The forces behind globalisation and the diffusion of English have massive resources to promote their cause, and have been successful in projecting a favourable image of themselves.
Those who believe that all languages have value, and that use of one's mother tongue is a human right, need to be much more active in counteracting linguistic imperialism and creating favourable conditions for a viable, just Ecology of Languages. Learners need to develop receptive competence in many Englishes, beginning, of course, with local variants.
There are many individuals, globally and locally, who are working to make English serve more equitable purposes, which means that we have cause for feeling confident in addressing the major challenges that we face professionally. This is precisely why conferences of this kind are so important. Delhi: Sage. Alexcinder, Neville, Lcinguage policy eind planning in South Africa: some insights.
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Qevedon: Multilingual Matters. Notes 1 Questioning western dominance is a recurrent theme in Kachru's work, see, e.
The same principle of textual equivalence applies in the European Union, with in theory the 'same' semantic content being expressed in the 11 official languages. Anyone familiar with translation processes and products knows that squaring the circle of conceptual, cultural and linguistic difference is a utopian ideal that is remote from how different realities operate.
For instance the legal systems in each of the 15 member states of the European Union have evolved in uniquely distinct ways and texts can never mean precisely 'the same' in each language and culture. According to a EU translator, 'the "equal value" of all translations is a legal fiction necessary for multilingual EU legislation to work' Pym 7. Many constitutions specify particular languages as official, meaning their use in government, the courts, obligatory education etc, but this role can scarcely be what is envisaged for English in Japan or Korea. As part of the British Council's contribution to the European Year of Languages, of these assistants are being supported in a programme that aims to strengthen the 'teaching and promotion of English language and British culture' Among the strategic objectives of this scheme is to 'create positive image of the UK and use assistants as ambassadors for UK higher education '.
Reported on the mailing list of the British Association of Applied Linguistics, 3 November , 10 Reported on the British Coundl's ELTECS electronic list and annual reports, 11 Quoted in the Guardian Weekly, November, Supplement on Learning English, 12 Korea Times, 4 October , 13 The final paragraphs of Crystal speculate on whether English will eliminate all other languages, which he considers would be an intellectual disaster, whereas his alternative scenario, the global triumph of English, is: Tn years' time, will it be the case that everyone will automatically be introduced to English as soon as they are bom.
It may be that English, in some shape or form, will find itself in the service of the world community for ever,' See my review article, Phillipson b, and Phillipson b, 14 The Swedish language board produced an action plan to strengthen Swedish in view of the threat from English. Their document drew on a lengthy consultation process and the work of sub- commissions on Swedish in school, Swedish in higher education and research, Swedish in the media and publishing, Swedish in the workplace and commerce, and Swedish and information technology.
There has also been lively debate in the press, and the Swedish government has decided to start implementation. The action plan makes a series of very concrete recommendations for how Swedish can be strengthened so that it remains fully functional in Sweden and in EU institutions. The proposals cover a huge range of topics, consumer information, advisory services to improve clarity of texts, teacher education, the training of translators and interpreters, the availability of scientific information in Swedish as well as English, improving the teaching of Swedish as a second language, etc.
It is also visionary: it assumes that Swedes need real competence in both Swedish and English as well as having access to other languages, it specifies many research and development needs, it stresses how competence in the national language and in foreign languages can strengthen democracy, it is constructive and forward-looking rather than restrictive and defensive. It suggests how domestic legislation and a more proactive policy in the EU can lead to a healthy multilingual balance and ensure that Swedish interests are maximally promoted.
See also Melander I would not be surprised to learn that other people in my category have at times experienced a similar uneasiness' Bessie Dendrinos, Professor of English at the University of Athens, has expressed a comparable feeling, facility of communication in the mother tongue being of a different order private communication. Fbr general surveys see European Cultural Foundation and Wright One potential action the EU might take would be to declare a common language in the EU market. See the special issue of replika: Colonisation or partnership? Eastern Europe and western social sciences, She has specific recommendations for teachers of English in Skutnabb-Kangas b.
Previous accounts point to 'English linguistic imperialism' PhilUpson and the hegemony of the cultural construct of English as a result of discourses of colonialism Pennycook The paper will critically assess the extent to which these claims are applicable to Hong Kong, a former British colony from to It will do this by first examining the macro-poUtical history of Hong Kong to show that it has been looked upon as a refuge and haven for successive waves of refugee-immigrants from mainland China.
While some official documents show that linguistic imperialism similar to that in other former British colonies did exist in nineteenth-century Hong Kong, there is Uttle evidence of the British trying to impose their way of Ufe on the local people. British colonial rule in the twentieth century was generally regarded as benevolent, and the colonial government was in effect as good as practicable Tsang The lack of identification with the mainland Chinese government after , coupled with separate political, economic and cultural developments led to the emergence of 'Hong Kong identity' among the Hong Kong bom generations.
To enhance one's competitiveness in the job market as well as to prepare oneself for uncertainties in the political future of Hong Kong, English was looked upon as an important asset relative to the goal of 'upward and outward mobility' So It is therefore misleading and inaccurate to see those Hongkongers who are positively inclined toward learning English as victims of the hegemony of this former cotonial language; rather, they are pragmatically-minded people acting on their own best interests.
Cited in Vines 11 I feel greatly honored to be here, to speak to you about a topic that has direct relevance to one of the main themes of this conference, and at the same time, a topic that has been on my mind for over two years, namely, to what extent does Prof. Robert Phillipson's notion of English linguistic imperialism in his book apply to Hong Kong, and to what extent are Chinese Hongkongers victims of the hegemony of English — am unwanted legacy left by the British to the people of Hong Kong — as Alastair Pennycook argues in his book English and the Discourses of Colonialism.
I found both monographs fascinating. But the more I think about these research questions, the more I feel that, while there is much truth in their claims, somehow, in the case of Hong Kong at least, the picture they portrayed is incomplete because there are a few crucial pieces missing in the puzzle. To track down the exact nature of this missing link was what motivated me in writing this paper. The paper has two main objectives.
Second, the findings to these two questions will be used to assess the degree of universality of the theory of English linguistic imperialism Phillipson and the continued hegemony of English in postcolonial Hong Kong Pennycook Implications will then be drawn regarding the theoretical adequacy of linguistic imperialism as a general accoimt of the spread of English worldwide.
It will be argued that the theory is inadequate to the extent that the demand side of the story — the recisons and motivations for learning English — is left out of the picture. It is hoped that a better understanding of these reasons and motivations will shed light on the learners' love-hate complex', or, the concomitant psychological attachment to, as well as detachment from, English. Central to these reflections is the theory of linguistic imperialism put forward by Robert Phillipson , , , Imperialism is propelled by exploitation, penetration, fragmentation, and marginalization.
It takes different forms, for example, economic, political, military, cultural and social. Skutnabb-Kangas The thrust of Phillipson's argument is that in the postcolonial era — in the last phase of English linguistic imperialism — the ex-colonizers need not be physically present in the Periphery countries, for there is a group of indigenous English-educated elite who identify totally with the ex-colonizers' Anglocentric beliefe eUid values, typically through studying in a 'Centre' country, and, out of their own vested interests willingly serve as agents assisting in the domination of English in their home countries at the expense of the natural use euid development of the indigenous lcuiguage s.
The Centre countries, especially UK euid USA, exercise imperialist control and power using 'ideas' — in place of 'sticks' euid 'ceurots' as in the earlier phases of colonialism — by dictating the norms of 'standard' English to which all learners of English in Periphery countries must adhere. To explain why the people in former colonies do not put up a fight to stop the continued domination of English, Phillipson draws on the Gramscian notion of 'hegemony', which prevails in the third and last stage of imperialism called "neo-neo- colonialism".
In his own words: The sophistication of the arguments grows on a scale advancing firom the use of force to the use of carrots to the use of ideas. At one stage, the colonial power could use coercion when selling one of its products, English. When the counterpart became slightly more equal, and brute force could no longer be applied or was no longer an ethically acceptable alternative, Ceurots were more suitable. But the ideal way to make people do what you Wcuit is of course to make them want it themselves, and to make them believe that it is good for them.
This simplifies the role of the 'seller', who then can appear as 'helping' or 'giving aid', rather than 'forcing' or 'bargaining with' the victim. Phillipson An implicit assumption of a hegemonic view and analysis of the global spread of English is that people in the Periphery countries have been brain-washed, to the extent of uncritically accepting an ideology imposed upon them. Their craving and demand for English is seen as an act of mindless submission to a 'false consciousness', rather than an autonomous, informed decision in their own best interests.
Such an assumption has been criticized as simplistic Bisong How valid is the Gramscian notion of hegemony in explaining Chinese Hongkongers' strong desire to learn English is a question that we will come back to later. Perhaps the strongest claim he makes is that the hegemoruc role of English — itself a cultural construct, a tool as much as a product of coloruaUsm — is aUve and well today. All these ideologically chcirged practices, mind-sets and values, or 'cultural constructs of coloruaUsm as Pennycook calls them, continue to prevail today as a result of allegedly research-based expert opinions of appUed Unguists from Centre countries, who are virtually neo- coloniaUsts in disguise.
Othef distinction. Pennycook 19 Pennycook refuses to accept any suggested benefits that colonialism might bring, on the grounds that such views "downplay the background of colorual exploitation, disdain and racism and stress instead a history of colorual benevolence, stability and docility" Pennycook The two historical aspects that constitute the focus of his "more complex treatment of coloruaUsm" p. His observation about the damage of opium to the Chinese nation and people is well t ak en. On the other hand, his analysis of social movements presented as evidence of the indigenous population's resistance against colonial rule is not entirely accurate a problem which is probably related to the selection of Uterature that informs his theory.
Pennycook purposely excluded two types of Uterature within its purview. First, colonial history written by British historians which he considered biased auid unrepresentative of what 'really' happened to the people in the colony, which in his view manifests most clearly in the micro-poUtics of everyday Ufe see Chapter 4, 'Opium and Riots: EngUsh and Chinese'; see also pp. The main reason he gives for ignoring these two types of literature is that such historical narratives tend to reproduce a British view of colonial history.
Globalization of Language and Culture in Asia the Impact of Globalization Processes on Language
I found Pennycook's omission of the 'grand historical narratives' somewhat unfortunate, for in a Ccise Uke Hong Kong, a lot of valuable insights regarding the colonial subjects' behaviours, beliefs, attitudes and values vis-a-vis the colonial government would be missed if the macro -political situation is not taken into account.
In effect, I eun arguing that Pennycook hcis not gone deep enough to achieve the goal of "gaining a more complex graisp of the paist" p. The complexification of history — in the direction of unpacking how macro-political history influences micro-political behaviours, beliefs, attitudes and values — is what I intend to do in this paper, in order to address the two main research questions stated earlier. New Territories, plus over outlying islands is home to over 6.
Most of the daily necessities have to be imported. Hong Kong currently stands as Asia's leading financial centre, and has the world's busiest container port. It is at present China's major gateway to the economies of the Asia-Pacific and beyond that to the global economy. Of interest to us are two questions: Why is English so strongly embraced by Hong Kong Chinese parents?
How do we explain their receptiveness to English and, to a large extent, their general preference for their children to be educated in English? I hope to be able to show that an important key for explaining Hongkongers' craving for English is to be found in the socio-political history of the colony. There is general consensus among historians, Hong Kong Chinese as well cis western, that there is little evidence of the colonial government attempting to impose the British way of life on Hong Kong Chinese colonial subjects.
Heeding Pennycook's concern, I was particularly careful not to fall into the trap of reproducing views that glorify British colonial rule in Hong Kong gratuitously. Instead, I made a point of looking for, and cross-checking, every single claim made by British historians — by reading into colonial histories written by Hong Kong Chinese historians, both in English and in Chinese. Of course, invoking history as evidence begs a number of questions such as 'which history?
Michel Foucault , Rabinow has demonstrated that the authoritativeness and orthodoxy of knowledge is far from being ideologically neutral. Rather, both are manifestations of power, which is created, instituted and transmitted largely through discourse. Hence there is a good reason to believe that whoever writes history is likely to be defending the interests of the group the historian belongs to, and presenting and analyzing events from the point of view of that group.
In other words, it would be illusory to expect historical narratives to be entirely objective and bias-free. It is not surprising, therefore, that an 'official history' of Hong Kong — in English or in Chinese — written by mainleuid scholars provides a rather different, ideologically loaded perspective and analysis of historical events, leading naturally to a very different set of observations and conclusions.
The colonial history of Hong Kong written by mainland scholars tends to emphasize British oppression, the cruelty and inhumane nature of the penal code in the nineteenth century, discriminatory measures against Chinese inhabiteuits, trade union movement and social riots, organized trading and exporting of Chinese coolies, etc.
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Yuan , Liu , Yang et al. It is not always an easy task to decide whether a certain viewpoint is credible and sufficiently substantiated by evidence. One must therefore exercise maximum caution in the selection of viewpoints. For the purpose of this study, the viewpoints are essentially based on those presented in the works of Hong Kong Chinese and European historians and social scientists, both in English and in Chinese.
This is justified by two main reasons: a unlike the mainland scholars who were either entrusted or personally inspired to do the task of producing a politically correct history of Hong Kong, the European and Hong Kong Chinese scholars dted are comparatively free from ideological constraints; and b unlike the mainland authors, most of the European and Hong Kong authors have lived in Hong Kong at some time, and so I believe their accounts and analyses are more likely to reflect the collective concerns and experiences of Hongkongers.
Most of them agree that Hong Kong's long, peutly dramatic decolonization process defies the general pattern elsewhere, of how colonial rule progressively yielded to indigenous, often more enlightened, governments. One article opens with the following remarks: Hong Kong confronts historians of decolonization with an embarrassing puzzle: the deviant that breaks all the rules; the colonial recidivist demanding more oppression Hong Kong's political history makes nonsense of the decolonising process as it is usually imagined.
Darwin Two pages further, the author contrasts the decolonization process of Hong Kong with that of other colonies in Africa and Asia as follows: Here indeed is a colony where colonial status still seems to be embraced with enthusiasm. In conventional accounts of the colonial period in Africa and Asia, colonial rule passes, after the initial shock of conquest, through a golden era of acquiescence and collaboration before entering an age of increasing turbulence and eventual breakdown. Hong Kong's history since almost exactly reverses this progression.
The Sturm und Drang of its history in the first half of this century gave way to a high noon of colonial stability by Hong Kong's standards from until the s. Darwin 18 A few other titles of articles and monographs suggest that Hong Kong's decolonization process is indeed "sui generis", a conspicuous exception to "the colonial disengagement syndrome" Darwin 17f.
The 'paradox of British imperial rule', as Tsang calls it, Ues in the fact that, despite the Crown Colony being dominated by an autocratic government vested with necU- absolute power, by the early s the colonial administration in Hong Kong delivered "as good a government as practicable" in the political tradition of China. Tsang argues that "the mainstay of the Chinese political tradition is Confucianism eis modified over the ages" p.
According to The Analects, good government should be entrusted to gentlemen-offidals headed by a sage-king, whose mission is to uphold and promote the five virtues cind suppress the four evils. In the colonial administration of Hong Kong, however, the Chinese residents found most of these Confucian merits, whereby colonial officials could be Ukened to upright Confucian gentlemen-officials, acting paternally but benevolently for the interests of the people.
In Tsang's own words: The irony of British imperial rule is that, while it was originally devised with relatively little regard to what the local Chinese population wanted, it did in time come to meet all the basic requirements of 'as good a government as possible' in the Chinese political tradition. This was achieved not by the method prescribed by Confucius and his disciples over two millennia, namely the setting up of a government composed of Confucian gentlemen-officials.
The British did not set out to fulfil this Chinese aspiration. Nevertheless, after a century and a half the administration they set up would meet the basic conditions for such a government, viz. Tsang a: 66 Tsang hails this eis "an achievement which heudly any Chinese government has achieved at leaist since the days of Confucius c. Cited in Vines 67 But to understand why British rule was found attractive and generally appreciated by most Hong Kong Chinese throughout the colonial era, one must turn to history for a fuller explanation. Let us begin with the first sub-theme: Who were the colonial subjects of Hong Kong?
How did the 'barren rock' in with barely several thousand inhabitants emerge as a densely populated metropolis of over 6. If Hongkongers did not originate from Hong Kong, where did they come from and why did they come to settle here? To answer these questions, we need to look at population movements in two periods: s to s, and s to the present.
During the first hundred years of its colonial history, Hong Kong was mainly inhabited by ethnic Chinese who came from the Mainland for economic reasons, especially ais traders, while others came to try their luck at the local job market, working as coolies for example; still others went overseas via the port of Hong Kong, which by the end of the nineteenth century had already developed into one of the most important ports in the world Endacott ; Yee 15f.
The vast majority of Chinese and foreigners there were "temporcirily resident traders and artisans euid not settlers" Endacott In terms of ethnic background, at no time in the recorded history of Hong Kong were the Chinese outnumbered. From the point of view of ethnic composition, therefore, Hong Kong has always been a predominantly Chinese city. The rapid expansion of the Hong Kong population was krgely the result of successive waves of refugees fleeing political instability, social unrest and natural disasters in the Mainland.
Up until , Hong Kong's colonial history coincided with an extended period of political turmoil in China. In addition to political upheaval which made life already very difficult in the Mainland, the Chinese residing in South China had to cope with natural disasters such as flooding.
As Welsh points out, refugees came "from all parts of China to this British colony in search of security and prosperity" Welsh 5, cf. In contrast to seemingly endless socio-political crises up to , colonial Hong Kong was looked upon as a haven which afforded the refugees the needed shelter and security, and the much hoped-for prosperity. Albert Yee a suggests that the mainlanders' eagerness to move to colonial Hong Kong may be accounted for by the 'Chinese Stepping-stone Syndrome', which certainly applies to many generations of Chinese who went overseas — mostly to Southeast Asia and Anglophone countries such as Canada, USA, UK and Australia — after leading a transitory existence in Hong Kong cf.
Hook Further, at the turn of the century, colonial Hong Kong was looked upon as a political refuge as well as a source of inspiration by the reform-minded Chinese, including the founder of the First Republic, Dr. Sun Yat-sen. It was a place where much could be learned about a workable model of a modem, more enlightened and democratically based government. As John Darwin puts it, in the early s, Hong Kong was "a saife haven where ideologies could be refined and conspiracies hatched; a convenient base for the real business of capturing South China [from the Qing dynasty] and beyond" Darwin 24f.
A very similcu view is expressed approvingly in the pro-PRC outline history of Hong Kong: "Hong Kong was once an important place for bourgeois revolutionaries to disseminate revolution" Liu In sum, in the first hundred years in the colonial history of Hong Kong, life under The political and socio-economic circumstances under which the refugees fled to Hong Kong help account for the reason why Hong Kong Chinese tended to be receptive to colorual rule under the British.
As we will see, this historical detail is crucial when analyzing how English was received by the colorual subjects in Hong Kong, notably in the domains of business and education. Chinese Hongkongers s — present The year was important in that free traffic between Hong Kong and the Mainland was blocked. Until , Chinese were free to enter and exit Hong Kong without any restriction. Border control, however, had to be introduced shortly after the founding of the People's Republic of China, when tens of thousands of refugees rushed to Hong Kong either fleeing political prosecution or having no wish to live under a communist regime.
This was by far the most dramatic influx of refugees in the history of Hong Kong, which exerted tremendous pressures on public utility services such as medical care and housing. By , within six years the total population of Hong Kong nearly quadrupled to about 2. The closure of the border was important in one sense: Unlike those Chinese who came and went at will, hitherto those who came to Hong Kong to stay were to become permanent residents — unless they had the means and the desire to emigrate elsewhere.
As we will see, this development was crucial for the gradual emergence of a 'Hong Kong identity' in the s. From the s onwards, therefore, Hong Kong and China parted ways politically and developed in very different routes socio-economically. Subsequent socio-economic developments have shown that, the initial social burden of a huge number of impoverished immigrants turned out to be a blessing, and the scene was set for an economic miracle which was to lift Hong Kong to new horizons and prosperity in the s.
One major factor which made this possible was "a remarkable fusion of Chinese and British cultural values interacting with one another" as well as "a symbiosis of Western business organization and Chinese entrepreneurial spirit" Birch In short: Hong Kong was afforded an unusual opportunity to exploit the traditional Chinese virtues of industry, thrift and resilience during the paralysing early years of the People's Republic of China after Hong Kong's industrial expansion was made possible by a pool of workers who put in long hours for little pay in cotton factories not unlike the 'dark satanic mills' of the Industrial Revolution.
Birch 95 Relationship between the colonizers and the colonized There is general consensus cimong scholars that throughout the colonial history of Hong Kong, with the exception of those engaged in trading activities and a small number of bilingual brokers, the Chinese euid non-Chinese communities lived side by side, but neither made euiy active attempt to mix with the other socially. Endacott , for example, observes that in the early colonial period, "there was no social mixing, and each community went its separate way in pursuit of the objects that had brought it to Hong Kong" p.
Benthcunite laissez- faire suited the Chinese eis well eis the free-trade western merchants" p. The Hong Kong Chinese view of their relationship with the British is nicely captured in a comment by Mr. We have coexisted but we have kept each other at arm's length. Cited in Vines 71; cf. UnUke other British colonies such eis India, therefore, there is little evidence of the colonial government in Hong Kong trying to impose the British way of life on the local population.
Steve TscUig a attributes the colonial government's relative lack of initiative to impose British cultural values and social practices to their preoccupation with commerce: Given the commercial motives behind the British occupation of Hong Kong, the colonial government did not attempt to spread civilization or convert the Chinese to a British way of life Tsang a: Hence, in terms of the imposition of a British way of life as part of the overall purpose, or agenda, of colonial rule, Hong Kong differed significeuitly from other British colonies such as India.
From the Chinese point of view, a non-intrusive government was one reason why they found Hong Kong so attractive. Further, from the s onwards until Chris Patten, most governors were enlightened 'old China hands' Vines 8 who had worked in the Foreign Office and who had at least some knowledge of Chinese history and culture e.
Quite a few governors e. Cecil dementi, Alexander Grantham, Edward Youde, David Wilson were students of the Chinese language before they took up the governorship Shen , and many of them were conversant in Mandarin and literate in written Chinese. It is therefore not surprising that many governors in colonial Hong Kong were able, cuid often willing, to see things from the Chinese perspective.
There were, to be sure, recorded instances of discrimination and racism against the Chinese population, especially in the nineteenth century, as shown for example in legal discrimination cuid intimidation in early colonial rule Munn , Ngo b. In the 20th century, however, overall "most of these measures were passive discrimination In sum, a benevolent, non-intrusive govermnent and a politically stable shelter offering security and promising prosperity were among the main recisons why people in South China were willing to come cuid live in the British colony. Similarly, Vines points out that: What is unique about Hong Kong is that most of its population, unlike other people living under colonial rule, volunteered to forsake being ruled by their own people in favour of living under a foreign flag.
Vines 71 Such a trend, in fact, may be traced back to early colonial rule. In the summary of the socio-economic conditions between the tumultuous years , for example, Endacott observes that the colonial govermnent was surprised by "the phenomenal influx of the Chinese and their willingness to live under the British flag, for which event British administration was quite unprepared" Endacott This policy was accompanied by another measure, namely, the issuing of Hong Kong identity cards, generally known as 'HKID' or 'ID cards', to legitimate residents as a valid proof of their right of abode in Hong Kong.
Those who needed to travel back to the Mainlcuid were required by law to apply for a 'Certificate of Identity' , more popularly known as 'Cl', without which their re-entry into Hong Kong would be denied. Both the ID card and the Cl took on significant symbolic value, in that they accentuated a 'them' mainlanders vs.
Japanese English: Language And The Culture Contact (Asian Englishes Today)
As Hong Kong and the PRC embarked upon very different routes politically, sodo-econortucally and culturally, Chinese Hongkongers found their ethnic identity gradually overtaken by an ever-expanding and increasingly marked and assertive 'Hong Kong identity'. Compared with their forbears, this generation was better educated and more 'worldly', and with increasing sophistication was becoming more acutely aware of the anachronistic aspects of Hong Kong's Crown Colony system.
The [Hong Kong] media absorbed Western values, transformed Chinese cultural particulars, articulated local experiences, and crystallized images of a distinct Hong Kong way of Ufe. This newly found identity was largely constructed by foregrounding the cultural differences between Hong Kongers and the mainland Chinese. Accordingly, in the mass media, mainlanders were stigmatized as 'uncivilized' outsiders and a ready-made cultural contrast against which modem, cosmopolitan Hong Kongers could define themselves.
Since most Hong Kongers are ethnic Chinese, the Sino- Hong Kong cultural differentiation, or the 'othering' of mainland Chinese, was a significant process from which the distinctive local Hong Kong identity emerged. Hong Kong people's identity therefore has mainly emerged as a distinctive identity vis-a-vis mainland citizens, Anna Wu, a former legislative councillor during the final years of British colonial rule, gives a revealing account of the nature and sources of this confused allegiance and identity: People like me had been pulled in different directions throughout our Uves.